Furtuna care se apropie? Protestele din Bulgaria si Brazilia (updated)
Urmaresc cu atentie miscarile de protest din Bulgaria si Brazilia. In Bulgaria, ca si in alte state post-comuniste, avem de-a face cu ceea ce numesc reziduurile leniniste, o stare de nemultumire generala in raport cu iresponsabilitatea, imoralitatea si cinismul clasei politice, dar si cu ingroparea amintirii totalitarismului sub subredul edificiu al unui fals consens amnezic. Cu sau fara Facebook, cu sau fara twitter (acestea sunt doar tehnologii, nu ideologii), spiritul anti-establishment a revenit in tromba. In Brazilia, dupa anii de euforie corupt-socialista, are loc constituirea unei miscari nascuta din malaise, disconfort social, iluzii esuate, asteptari tradate. Evident, aceste proteste sunt eterogene, nu au o culoare politica unica. Profesorul Ken Jowitt a anticipat in cartea sa despre noua dezordine mondiala valurile de revolta anti-establishment atunci cand scria despre “movements of rage” (miscari izvorate din furie sociala). Valoarea-cheie la ora actuala este increderea sociala. Transparenta genereaza incredere, opacitatea zamisleste suspiciune, neincredere.
Un sistem democratic se prabuseste atunci cand increderea in institutii si in reprezentantii politici scade catastrofal. O tema fundamentala este independenta politicului si a justitiei in raport cu interesele oligarhice (adeseori mafiotice) si cu aranjamentele din umbra menite sa serveasca aceste interese. Este remarcabil faptul ca protestarii bulgari resping sloganele demagogic-nationaliste, izolationiste (adica pro-ruse) si anti-europene. In asemenea clipe, reformele radicale devin urgente, cu adevarat indispensabile. In egala masura, intarirea institutiilor statului de drept este conditia sine qua non a unei democratii liberale credibile. A respinge democratia de fatada este, iata, un motiv de revolta sociala. La fel si revendicarea transparentei.
Despre cauzele si implicatiile crizei politica si sociala din Bulgaria iata un Memorandum al Centrului de Strategii Liberal din Sofia, condus de politologul Ivan Krastev:
Tens of thousands of people have been marching for 11 days now on the streets of the capital Sofia and in some of Bulgaria’s major cities. The mass protests were sparked by the decision of the Bulgarian Parliament to appoint Mr. Delyan Peevski as chief of the State Agency for National Security. After his resignation on the second day of the protest, its main demand became the resignation of the government of Mr. Oresharski, which has been built by the Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms representing the Turkish minority (together, both parties having exactly half of the seats in Parliament). Yet the government cannot survive without the support of the far-right populist party Ataka.
According to representative polling data, 85 percent of Bulgarians support the protest against the appointment of Mr. Peevski, a media mogul and politician, a front-man of corporate interests with strong influence over the last three governments. The respondents put remarkably little confidence in the current government and parliament at the beginning of their term (23 and 14 percent, respectively – lowest point since the 1990s), while only 18 percent reckon Oresharski’s cabinet will fulfill its full mandate.
Bulgaria protests for a second time in less than half a year, with the mass protests in February against the electricity monopolies having brought down the centre-right government of Mr. Borissov. The unrests from the last 11 days should be seen as a second wave of Bulgarian citizens’ anger with the political establishment from the transition who in society’s view has betrayed the values of democracy in the service of behind-the-screen corporate interests.
For the first time in years the civil society of Bulgaria is voicing strong demands for genuine reform of the ailing state institutions and for effective democracy. These demands for reform are home-grown and have a grass-roots pedigree. They are not the result of external pressures (e.g. from EU or international organisations). In fact, external bodies so far have been largely supportive of the status quo: for instance, both the Party of European Socialists and the European Popular Party have recently expressed support for the political leaders of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (member of PES), and GERB (member of the EPP), the former ruling party.
These views are apparently not shared by the Bulgarian citizens. As their slogans demonstrate, the Bulgarians are protesting:
– against the merging of public institutions with nationwide gray-economy groups: “No to the oligarchy!”
– against clandestine political deals: “No to behind-the-screen deals!; Transparency!”
– against the promotion of corporate interests presented in democratic garb: “No to façade democracy!”
– against Bulgaria’s reneging on its European commitments and the accommodation of extreme nationalist-populists in power: “Bulgaria is Europe!”
The peaceful protests in Bulgaria are momentous for the future of democracy in this country. They show that there is committed civil society which will no longer tolerate corporate takeover of public institutions, or unprincipled coalitions with nationalistic or irresponsible parties. Our hope is that the lack of violence and the civilized behaviour of the protesters will not make this protest go largely unnoticed internationally. In our judgement, the moment demands broad support for the democratic efforts of Bulgarian society.
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